CHAPTER 1
The Introduction: The Strategic Malacca Straits and Indonesian Interests
The Malacca Straits are geopolitically strategic since they are the shortest waterway between the Indian Ocean, the South China Sea and the Pacific Ocean. The straits are situated between the coastline of Thailand , Malaysia and Singapore to the East and the Indonesian island of Sumatra to the West. The Straits stretch 6oo nautical miles (900 km) from their widest point (about 350 km between Northern Sumatra and Thailand) to the narrowest (less than 3 km wide between southern Sumatra and Singapore). Indonesia itself has the longest coastal boundary among three littoral states around 400.8 nautical miles, or two-thirds of the total length of the straits. (See Figure 1)
Figure. 1. The Straits of Malacca, Ports and Shipping Route
Source: IDSS Map
Historically, many governments that came to power gained geopolitical influence by attaining any effective “sea control and assertion” over the straits. For example, the Kingdom of Srivijaya successfully benefited from the straits by compelling passing vessels through the region’s spice route to disembark at its ports and levy taxes and dues. Subsequently, with the advantages of strategic Malacca Straits, some pre independence- Indonesian Kingdoms like Aceh, Malacca-Riau-Lingga and Banten were well recognized as a centre of sea-trade in the 13-14th centuries.
The Straits of Malacca are the busiest shipping lanes in the world. Being the shortest sea route of the two oceans, the straits are the most economically preferred sea route. The annual average sea transports through the Straits in 2004 are around 70.000 vessels or 200 per day, of which 20.000 are supertankers. The total transports in the Straits roughly represent 80 percent of Asia-Pacific countries trade volume as well as 25 percent of total world trade commodity.
Two-thirds of the tonnage passing through the Straits consists of crude oil from the Persian Gulf bound for some important countries such as Japan, South Korea, India and, increasingly, China. For example, Japan is highly reliant on 80 percent of its energy supplies through this waterway. By using the Straits, Japan saves nearly 400 million US Dollar per year. Meanwhile, China is growing steadily to be the third largest oil importer after the US and Japan is predicted to depend on 40 percent of imported oil, partly, through the Straits.
From this illustration, the important function of the Malacca straits can be seen in their role as the main passageway of oil transportation for most East Asian countries. Given the magnitude, the maintenance of security in the straits is paramount. The current position of the Malacca Straits can be inferred in terms of SLC (Sea Lines of Communication) and SLT (Sea Lines of Trade) for Indonesia as well as the international community. With the advent of globalization, the future trend of inter-state relations is expected to be more likely enhanced and shaped by economic interests than others. Currently, most East Asia countries are structurally dependent on overseas trade with secure SLC and SLT in the Straits and neighborhood maritime environments in general are a common need.
Indonesia is one of three littoral states that largely borders the straits and therefore has large interest. Indonesia takes a greater concern and responsibility in both securing national interests as well as the user states’ interests. This dissertation tries to see what Indonesian interests are pursued and the policies it will implement in the Straits of Malacca. As an archipelagic state, Indonesia views its maritime concept as the integration of national interests on the basis of its national unity, called Wawasan Nusantara. The interests will be elucidated in terms of economy, security and the preservation of the Straits of Malacca as a single inseparable interest. The dissertation also investigates possible cooperation among the different interests of littoral states or the user states to overcome the problems that “were influenced by important development in the shipping industry and changes in prevailing global military strategies adopted by the major states.”
The Theoretical Framework
Regime theory is a theory within international relations that stems from the liberal tradition. Regimes by definition are the embodiment of international or regional cooperation in the anarchic international system. Krasner defined a regime a set of principles, norms rules and decision-making procedures that govern State behavior in specific areas of international relation. The scope of agreements is emphasized on regulating the state’s actions within certain issue areas or solving dilemmas of “common goods”. Furthermore, the international institutions or regimes will affect the behavior of states (or other international actors) and mitigate the likelihood of conflicts. Some approaches to regime theory derive from realist proponents, like Joseph Grieco. He delineated that the cooperation is not a norm but is possible in terms of different degrees that at best are termed as “national interest”. It means that regional and international cooperation in the realist perspective can be attainable through compromising their interests of states without jeopardizing their national interests as a whole. For an archipelagic state, sovereignty at sea is provided by UNCLOS (United Nation Convention of Law of Sea) Article 2 in respect of its territorial sea, Article 34 in respect of the part of the territorial sea that lie within the water of the strait used for international navigation, and Article 49 in respect of its archipelagic waters.
In terms of maritime building regime, Michael Leifer promoted “a stable maritime regime in the region with the free and uninterrupted flow of seaborne trade and nations able to pursue their maritime interests and manage their maritime resources in accordance with agreed principles of international law and without the risks of tension and conflicts.” Admittedly, the problems of an effective management of maritime space are basically political issues, i.e. state control over its maritime aspects but it should not impede the likelihood to go beyond through “geographic reality, diplomacy, appropriate legal instruments coupled with this authoritative control, but unburdened with administrative procedures” These can be provided by an effective regional body. Therefore, the settlement of the problems requires the consensus between local and national authority as well as neighboring coastal countries in a coordinated effort by regional bodies for effective management of marine space. In comprehending the dynamics of seaborne developments and interests, Captain (Ret) Mat Taib Yasin proposes a regime concept, so called Straits of Malacca Commission (SMC) that seeks to integrate the different interests between the three littoral states and stakeholders in terms of management, conservation and developments with the emphasis of the key role of three littoral states in the supreme policy-making body. Nevertheless, UNCLOS is still discerned as basis of international maritime regime of cooperation.
The Objectives and Questions
The dissertation analyses the national interests that are pursued by Indonesia as the largest littoral state in terms of the management of the Straits of Malacca and tries to seek a few comparisons with the other littoral state as well as the other stake holders’ interests. The analysis also deals with the following question:
- How the Indonesian archipelagic concepts, Wawasan Nusantara as an ideological driver politically affect its national objectives and interests?
- How Indonesia sees UNCLOS as the basis for defining its national interests and international maritime cooperation?
- What underlies the unwavering refusal of non-internationalization policy in terms of the management of the Straits of Malacca due to Indonesian’ perspectives, including the northern part of the Straits?
- What are the Indonesian interests –in some degree- likely to be reconciled or cooperated with other stakeholders’ interests?
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