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, Strategic Studies

STRATEGY THROUGH EROSION BETWEEN THEORY AND PRACTICE (The Comparative Study of Insurgency’s Indirect Strategy)

“Too much to defend; too small, ubiquitous, and agile an enemy to come to grips with. If the war continues long enough, the dog succumbs to exhaustion and anemia without ever having found anything on which to close its jaws or to rake with its claws.” (The War of the Flea)

, Strategic Studies

Engaging China: ASEAN Concerted Diplomacy in ARF (ASEAN Regional Forum)

The collapse of Soviet bloc affected the erosion of long standing strategic rationale behind the major US military deployment in East Asia. In addition to the US economic difficulties that was reflected in its domestic economic constraints on military expenditure and the Philippines refusal to extend the leases of the US’s military bases in Philippines. Philippines demanded a complete US military withdrawal by November 1992. It irrevocably created a “window of opportunity” for major powers such as China, Japan and India to be more assertive and independent after the US withdrawal.

, Indonesia Raya

Mengelola Perbatasan Indonesia dan Malaysia

Indonesia dan Malaysia adalah sepasang negeri jiran yang sebelum diperkenalkannya konsep negara modern (pasca perjanjian Westphalia 1648) tak mengenal batas-batas fisik maupun batas-batas kultural. Era kolonialisme Eropa Barat di kedua negara dilanjutkan dengan lahirnya negara modern Indonesia pada 17 Agustus 1945 dan Malaysia pada 31 Agustus 1957 berkonsekuensi terciptanya garis demarkasi antara kedua negara yang kemudian disebut sebagai perbatasan. Perbatasan dalam artian fisik kemudian tercipta di sepanjang pulau Kalimantan sejauh 2004 kilometer (yang merupakan perbatasan fisik terpanjang Indonesia dengan negara lain) dan perbatasan laut di sepanjang Selat Malaka, Laut China Selatan, dan Laut Sulawesi.

, Indonesia Raya

Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS) : An Overview of Their Competitiveness and Strategies after 2004 Elections

This paper provides an analysis on the PKS Competitiveness, their strategies and its interaction with the Government of Indonesia (GOI) using Porter’s Diamond and J Curve frameworks with effort to smooth and to sustain their policy reform process. In the first section, it will analyze the background of PKS movement and analyze their competitiveness and their strategies movement in Indonesia political world. The second part will examine the PKS interaction and their impacts to the GOI. The third section will give recommendation for the PKS activities in the future to overcome and to sustain the PKS movement and conclude their role in the Indonesian political development.

, Strategic Studies

Pemanasan Global dan Potensi Ancaman Bagi Indonesia

Apakah perubahan iklim global (climate change) menyebabkan disintegrasi pada suatu negara dan memicu konflik antar negara? Para pakar non traditional security sejatinya bersepakat bahwa dampak perubahan iklim berpotensi besar melahirkan konflik domestik dan instabilitas keamanan baik dalam lingkup regional dan global. Namun para pakar ini tidak dapat memprediksikan apakah perubahan yang berimplikasi konflik itu terjadi secara gradual. Atau sebaliknya pelbagai faktor yang berkelindan (interacting factors) seperti deforestasi (penggundulan hutan) dan minimnya energi alternatif akan menjadikan ancaman itu cenderung dekat.

Tampilkan postingan dengan label My Dissertation. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label My Dissertation. Tampilkan semua postingan

CHAPTER 2. INDONESIAN POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES


2.1. The Indonesian Concept of Archipelagic State

Indonesia is the largest archipelagic country with the population of more than 200 million that consists of 17,508 islands and islets of which about 6,000 are inhabited. It covers a land area of 1.9 million km squares as well as water area of 7.9 km millions squares. Java, the most densely populated island comprises 60 percent of its total population, followed respectively by Sumatra, 20 percent, Sulawesi 7 percent, Kalimantan (the largest island) 5 percent, and Papua 1 percent. Indonesia is situated in strategic position that links the continents of Asia and Australia and therefore at the crossroad from the north to South and from East to West. 

Understanding its archipelagic position and its impact of jurisdiction, Indonesia unilaterally proclaimed itself as an archipelagic state through “Deklarasi Juanda” in 13 December 1957 and further developed the concept of “Wawasan Nusantara”. The Declaration that was issued by Prime Minister Juanda Kartawidjaya stated that Indonesia is an archipelagic state. “The government declares that all waters surrounding between and connecting the islands constituting the Indonesian state, regardless of their extension or breadth, are integral parts of the territory of the Indonesian states and therefore, parts of the internal or national waters which are under the exclusive  sovereignty of the Indonesian state......The delimitation of the territorial sea (the breadth of which is 12-miles) is measured from baselines connecting the outermost points of the Islands of Indonesia. The declaration was ratified by the enactment of PERPU (The Temporary Government Regulation) No. 4/1960 and the subsequent revised Act in 1966 that stated Indonesia waters comprise territorial waters, archipelagic waters and internal waters.

               The Indonesia’s territorial unity concept is further enhanced by its political and ideological concept. Through TAP MPR (People’s Representative Assembly Decree) IV/1973, Indonesia ideologically developed “Wawasan Nusantara” as a state’s political doctrine that outlined Indonesia as a territorial unity that comprises inseparable lands and waters, including the bottom of the seas and the air space represents the unity of state and nation politically, economically, culturally and militarily. Wawasan Nusantara is considered to be a dynamic condition of nation including resilience and tenacity which enables Indonesia to develop its national strength to cope with any challenges, threats either directly or indirectly that stem from outside as well as within the country which endanger the integrity, identity and survival of a nation and state for pursuing its national objectives.

               The doctrine is well accepted by Indonesian people as representing values of Pancasila, State Ideology, and the UUD 1945, the Constitution. The acknowledgment of the doctrine itself can be basically traced in the ancient Indonesia values regarding the importance and sacredness of the land and water, so called “Tanah Air” (land and water) meaning nation. The doctrine per se reflects much traditional views of a state that is highlighted by the significance of sovereignty issue rather than more modern and pragmatically –characterized state, i.e. pursuance of economic interests. As inferred by Indonesian Navy Admiral, Bernard Kent Sondakh, State sovereignty is the highest authority-vested in a state to perform in term of national interests. The perspective will irrevocably implicate that the other subsidiary interests such as economic, security and so forth will be entitled to the utmost interests that is ideologically formulated in its geopolitical doctrine.

               The archipelagic concept has been accepted as a fundamental principle in accordance of the motives and the driver of the Indonesian interests and outlooks to pursue its national ideals and objectives as stipulated in the preamble of the Indonesian Constitution, i.e. to safeguard the whole Indonesian nation and its fatherland, to develop public welfare, to educate the nation, and to participate in manifesting the world order based on freedom, eternal peace and social justice. So based on the concepts, the whole aspects of the Indonesian’s national life are defined as:

-    “One Political Unity”,  the Indonesian jurisdiction is unity in Fatherland as well as its national identity;

-    “One Socio-Cultural Unity”, the national culture is shaped by the concept of unity in diversity that characterizes the diversity of Indonesian ethnicities, religions and cultures.

-    “One Economic Unity”, the economy is organized as a cooperative effort based on family spirit. In terms of archipelagic region, the potency and possession are entitled to promote and distribute prosperity among its population.

-      “One Defense-Security Unity”, the defense and security management is based on the people power with Armed Force kernel and a threat to one Island or region is perceived to be a threat to whole nation.

               Furthermore, Post the Reform Era, 1998, Indonesia enacted the Act No. 22/99 on Regional Autonomy and then amended it to be Act No 24.2004.  The Act sets out two main issues: First, the new fiscal arrangement between the central and regional government, second, the division of authority between central and local Government that comprises the Central Government affairs (international politics, defense, judiciary, fiscal and monetary), and the concurrent affairs between Central and Regional Government (education, agriculture development, cultural affairs, human and natural resources management and others). To appease the prolonged conflict in Aceh, the Central Government issued Law No. 18 of 2001 on special autonomous Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam that conferred the unprecendented authority over its internal affairs including the implementation of Islamic Law, the greater return of its natural resources and the holding of local election and local party.

               In terms of the whole Indonesian political concept, the implementation of regional autonomy and subsequent similar laws are considered to be a political compromise between the Central Government and many dissatisfied peripheral provinces as well as the wider and relative new interpretation of the Indonesian political concept of Pancasila and the doctrine of the Unitary State of Republic of Indonesia.

2.2. The International Maritime Regime UNCLOS as A Basis of Indonesian National Interests

                As an archipelagic state, Indonesia is one of the beneficiaries of the provision of UNCLOS.  Indonesia endorsed the third Law of the Sea Convention in principle and ratified UNCLOS on 3 February 1986 and was among the first 60 countries to do so. The treaty reflected Indonesia’s long efforts to seek its recognition for its national interests within international recognition since its unilateral maritime declaration of archipelagic jurisdiction in 1957. For over 25 years, Indonesia kept unwavering in the successful efforts to secure approval and supports about a regime of archipelagic states. The treaty has acknowledged the Indonesian archipelagic concept as part of international maritime laws. Indonesia has gained substantial ocean space within its jurisdiction. It is estimated to own the expanse of its exclusive economic zone of around 1,566,300 sq nm. (See figure 2) The total expanse of Indonesia jurisdiction expanded from 2 millions km sq to 8 millions km sq. Indonesia integrated the UNCLOS into Law No. 17/1985 in 13 December 1985 .

               Indonesia subsequently set no less than 16 negotiations with some neighboring countries, i.e. Malaysia, Australia, Australia, Thailand, India and Singapore in terms of territorial sea boundaries, continental shelf and provisional fisheries line. (See Figure 2) Although there were some negotiations that could not be resumed due to technicalities, ideological differences and diverse historical point of views but Indonesia has demonstrated its ability and willingness to negotiate, cooperate and use gentle bargaining processes to bring about the remarkably desired effects in two decades. (See Figure 3)

Figure 2.  Indonesia and its Costal Neighbors: Comparative Size

Country
Land Area
Coastline
Continental Shelf
EEZ
Australia
7,686,300
36,740
2,636,000
7,006,500
India
3,280,500
  9,000
     45,500
2,014,006
Indonesia
1,905,000
60.000
2,768,800
5,408,000
Malaysia
   329,700
  3,430
   372,440
   475,600
Papua N G
   461,700
  5,000
-
-
Philippines
   115,830
15,260
   247,120
1,890.700
Thailand
   514,000
  2,960
   256,100
   324,700
Vietnam
   332,600
  2,720
   559,550
   722,100

Source: Vivian L Forbes, Indonesia’s Maritime Boundaries

               One of the most important issues in UNCLOS is the national maritime boundary in accordance with the sovereignty enforcement that Indonesia has intensively struggled for. This issue has two perspectives, sovereignty and sovereign rights. In article, 2, 34, 47 and 49 of UNCLOS, “State sovereignty is the highest authority vested in a state to perform any actions considered necessary in the national or state interests, based on national laws and taking account of international laws. The legal basis for the authority of a state over a territory is the existence and status of the said state as an independent and sovereign state”. It implicates the undisputed rights of each country to manage and control the application by legislation and execute the law of order on the basis of interests of the sovereign state.

               Meanwhile UNCLOS Article 56 asserts that coastal states have the sovereign rights to explore, exploit, conserve and manage its natural resources both living and non-living in the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In exercising the EEZ regime, a coastal state shall have due regard to the rights of other states, such as freedom of navigation and overflight and other internationally lawful uses of the sea related to the freedom.

               In terms of right of innocent passage, ships have the rights to pass freely through territorial waters. The right has been a customary international rule that is well adopted by UNCLOS in section 3 of part II as reconciliation between the navigational rights of all states and the sovereignty of coastal states. The right of innocent passage must be exercised in accordance with the rules of UNCLOS, and with the national laws and regulations enacted by coastal states, to keep international navigation safe in the straits. The ships on innocent passage enjoy neither immunity nor indemnity, different with the warships that are reflecting the sovereignty of state that are subject to the article 19 and 20 of UNCLOS. Some East Asia coastal and archipelagic countries including Indonesia require prior notification for the entry of foreign warships.

Figure 4. Indonesia’s Negotiation with the neighboring Coastal Countries

Countries
Issue
Date
Malaysia
- Maritime Boundaries
(territorial Sea and Continental Shelf)
-27 October 1969
-17 March 1970
-21 December 1971
Australia
-Maritime Boundaries, Provisional Fisheries Line and Zone of Cooperation
-18 May 1971 and February 1973 (on behalf of Australia itself and PNG)
-11 December 1989
Thailand
- Maritime Boundaries (Continental Shelf)
-17 December 1971
-11 December 1975 (Not yet into action)
India
-Maritime Boundaries (Continental Shelf)
-8 August 1974
-14 January 1977
Singapore
-Maritime Boundaries (Territorial Sea)
-25 May 1973
Papua New Guinea
-Maritime Boundaries (Continental Shelf/EEZ)
-13 December 1980

Source: Compiled from Vivian, Indonesia’s Maritime Boundaries

               A more liberal regime of transit passage is allowed through a straits used for international navigation such as the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. UNCLOS Part III provides ships and aircrafts that are exercising the right of transit passage;

  1. Refrain from activities to their normal modes of continuous and expeditious transit unless rendered necessary by force majeure or distress.
  2. Refrain from any threat or use of force against the sovereignty of the coastal states, the integrity of territory, or in any other manner in violation of the principles of international law.
  3. Comply with generally accepted international regulations about maritime safety, prevention, reduction and control of pollution from the ships.
  4. Observe the rules of the air established by the International Civil Aviation Organization as they apply to civil aircraft; and
  5. During transit passage, foreign ships may not carry out any survey activities without the prior authorization of the coastal state, or may not conduct fishing activities, loading and loading of commodity, currency or persons in contravention of the custom, fiscal, immigration or sanitary laws of the coastal state.



INDONESIAN INTEREST IN THE STRAIT OF MALACCA

CHAPTER 1

The Introduction: The Strategic Malacca Straits and Indonesian Interests

The Malacca Straits are geopolitically strategic since they are the shortest waterway between the Indian Ocean, the South China Sea and the Pacific Ocean.  The straits are situated between the coastline of Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore to the East and the Indonesian island of Sumatra to the West. The Straits stretch 6oo nautical miles (900 km) from their widest point (about 350 km between Northern Sumatra and Thailand) to the narrowest (less than 3 km wide between southern Sumatra and Singapore). Indonesia itself has the longest coastal boundary among three littoral states around 400.8 nautical miles, or two-thirds of the total length of the straits. (See Figure 1) 

Figure. 1. The Straits of Malacca, Ports and Shipping Route

Source: IDSS Map

Historically, many governments that came to power gained geopolitical influence by attaining any effective “sea control and assertion” over the straits. For example, the Kingdom of Srivijaya successfully benefited from the straits by compelling passing vessels through the region’s spice route to disembark at its ports and levy taxes and dues. Subsequently, with the advantages of strategic Malacca Straits, some pre independence- Indonesian Kingdoms like Aceh, Malacca-Riau-Lingga and Banten were well recognized as a centre of sea-trade in the 13-14th centuries.

The Straits of Malacca are the busiest shipping lanes in the world. Being the shortest sea route of the two oceans, the straits are the most economically preferred sea route. The annual average sea transports through the Straits in 2004 are around 70.000 vessels or 200 per day, of which 20.000 are supertankers. The total transports in the Straits roughly represent 80 percent of Asia-Pacific countries trade volume as well as 25 percent of total world trade commodity.

Two-thirds of the tonnage passing through the Straits consists of crude oil from the Persian Gulf bound for some important countries such as Japan, South Korea, India  and, increasingly, China. For example, Japan is highly reliant on 80 percent of its energy supplies through this waterway. By using the Straits, Japan saves nearly 400 million US Dollar per year. Meanwhile, China is growing steadily to be the third largest oil importer after the US and Japan is predicted to depend on 40 percent of imported oil, partly, through the Straits.

From this illustration, the important function of the Malacca straits can be seen in their role as the main passageway of oil transportation for most East Asian countries. Given the magnitude, the maintenance of security in the straits is paramount. The current position of the Malacca Straits can be inferred in terms of SLC (Sea Lines of Communication) and SLT (Sea Lines of Trade) for Indonesia as well as the international community. With the advent of globalization, the future trend of inter-state relations is expected to be more likely enhanced and shaped by economic interests than others. Currently, most East Asia countries are structurally dependent on overseas trade with secure SLC and SLT in the Straits and neighborhood maritime environments in general are a common need.

Indonesia is one of three littoral states that largely borders the straits and therefore has large interest. Indonesia takes a greater concern and responsibility in both securing national interests as well as the user states’ interests. This dissertation tries to see what Indonesian interests are pursued and the policies it will implement in the Straits of Malacca. As an archipelagic state, Indonesia views its maritime concept as the integration of national interests on the basis of its national unity, called Wawasan Nusantara.  The interests will be elucidated in terms of economy, security and the preservation of the Straits of Malacca as a single inseparable interest. The dissertation also investigates possible cooperation among the different interests of littoral states or the user states to overcome the problems that “were influenced by important development in the shipping industry and changes in prevailing global military strategies adopted by the major states.”

The Theoretical Framework

Regime theory is a theory within international relations that stems from the liberal tradition. Regimes by definition are the embodiment of international or regional cooperation in the anarchic international system. Krasner defined a regime a set of principles, norms rules and decision-making procedures that govern State behavior in specific areas of international relation. The scope of agreements is emphasized on regulating the state’s actions within certain issue areas or solving dilemmas of “common goods”. Furthermore, the international institutions or regimes will affect the behavior of states (or other international actors) and mitigate the likelihood of conflicts.  Some approaches to regime theory derive from realist proponents, like Joseph Grieco. He delineated that the cooperation is not a norm but is possible in terms of different degrees that at best are termed as “national interest”. It means that regional and international cooperation in the realist perspective can be attainable through compromising their interests of states without jeopardizing their national interests as a whole. For an archipelagic state, sovereignty at sea is provided by UNCLOS (United Nation Convention of Law of Sea) Article 2 in respect of its territorial sea, Article 34 in respect of  the part of the territorial sea that lie within the water of the strait used for international navigation, and Article 49 in respect of its archipelagic waters.

In terms of maritime building regime, Michael Leifer promoted “a stable maritime regime in the region with the free and uninterrupted flow of seaborne trade and nations able to pursue their maritime interests and manage their maritime resources in accordance with agreed principles of international law and without the risks of tension and conflicts.” Admittedly, the problems of an effective management of maritime space are basically political issues, i.e. state control over its maritime aspects but it should not impede the likelihood to go beyond through “geographic reality, diplomacy, appropriate legal instruments coupled with this authoritative control, but unburdened with administrative procedures” These can be provided by an effective regional body. Therefore, the settlement of the problems requires the consensus between local and national authority as well as neighboring coastal countries in a coordinated effort by regional bodies for effective management of marine space.  In comprehending the dynamics of seaborne developments and interests, Captain (Ret) Mat Taib Yasin proposes a regime concept, so called Straits of Malacca Commission (SMC) that seeks to integrate the different interests between the three littoral states and stakeholders in terms of management, conservation and developments with the emphasis of the key role of three littoral states in the supreme policy-making body. Nevertheless, UNCLOS is still discerned as basis of international maritime regime of cooperation.

The Objectives and Questions

The dissertation analyses the national interests that are pursued by Indonesia as the largest littoral state in terms of the management of the Straits of Malacca and tries to seek a few comparisons with the other littoral state as well as the other stake holders’ interests. The analysis also deals with the following question:
-          How the Indonesian archipelagic concepts, Wawasan Nusantara as an ideological driver politically affect its national objectives and interests?
-          How Indonesia sees UNCLOS as the basis for defining its national interests and international maritime cooperation?
-          What underlies the unwavering refusal of non-internationalization policy in terms of the management of the Straits of Malacca due to Indonesian’ perspectives, including the northern part of the Straits?
-          What are the Indonesian interests –in some degree- likely to be reconciled or cooperated with other stakeholders’ interests?





Inspiring Quote of The Day: Toleransi (al Samahah) secara terminologi adalah kemurahan hati, memberi tanpa balas. Dengan kata lain toleransi berarti keramahan dan kelemahlembutan dalam segala hal dan interaksi tanpa mengharap imbalan ataupun balas jasa. Toleransi merupakan karakter dasar Islam dan telah menjadi sifat praktis-realis umat di sepanjang sejarahnya yang agung" (Muhammad Imarah)

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